NOTES

INTRODUCTION

1Frank Shigeo Kubo, “As I Recall,” Frank Kubo Collection, Densho Digital Repository.

2Kubo, “As I Recall.”

3Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis.

4Studies are too numerous to list comprehensively, but key titles include Pacyga, Polish Immigrants and Industrial Chicago; Pacyga, Slaughterhouse; Fisher, Urban Green; Peiss, Cheap Amusements; and Brody, Workers in Industrial America.

5See Trotter, Workers on Arrival; Nicolaides, My Blue Heaven; and Vargas, Proletarians of the North.

6The exception here is the work on Filipino migration in the Pacific Northwest and California. Scholars such as Dorothy Fujita-Rony, Linda España-Maram, and Dawn Mabalon have identified the wide circuits of migration that Filipino laborers traversed in order to find jobs. This book builds on their insights and research by extending the idea of the city as a hub of migratory labor to a much earlier period, involving many different groups. Filipino laborers entered into a preexisting geography of labor migration that originated with the founding of Seattle itself. See España-Maram, Creating Masculinity in Los Angeles’s Little Manila; Fujita-Rony, American Workers, Colonial Power; and Mabalon, Little Manila Is in the Heart.

7In some ways, this disconnect between extractive industries / nonurban labor and manufacturing / urban labor is most pronounced in Seattle. Much of the literature on Seattle labor history is devoted to the Seattle General Strike of 1919, which started along the waterfront with dock and shipyard workers and spread throughout the city. As a result, dock and shipyard work dominates the scholarship on the urban working class. There also exists a large scholarship on Pacific Northwest labor history—logging, in particular—but these works remain outside of the urban context and don’t really connect with Seattle history. The exception, as mentioned earlier, remains Filipino/a labor history. See Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront; Friedheim, The Seattle General Strike; and Magden, History of Seattle Waterfront Workers.

8Urban historian Carl Abbott argues that Seattle’s relationship to its regional hinterland explains the city’s “more rapid growth” than Portland. Abbott, “Regional City and Network City,” 302.

9This figure comes from sociologist Norman Hayner’s work on hotel living in the 1920s. He used data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics to calculate the number of hotel rooms per inhabitant for each major city in the United States, and found that San Francisco and Seattle ranked first and second, with Los Angeles third. As he notes, “These three Pacific Coast cities have approximately three times as many hotel rooms for their populations as New York or Chicago.” While not a perfect measurement of transiency, it does give a very good picture of the kind of urban population present in Seattle and other Pacific Coast cities at this time. See Hayner, “Hotel Life and Personality,” 785.

10I first started thinking about Seattle differently, beyond the nation and outside of the east-west linear narrative ingrained in accounts of this period of United States history, when I read James Clifford’s “Fort Ross Meditation.” In it, he stands on the California coast and contemplates the intersecting temporalities and perspectives that constitute the “historical.” See Clifford, Routes, esp. 299–348.

11Many works on Pacific Northwest history center the water and highlight the unique maritime environment of the Salish Sea, including the Puget Sound. My book builds on these works by examining how this maritime environment shaped Seattle’s distinctive history as a city, in terms of social history and the formation of its urban economy and geography. See Reid, The Sea Is My Country; Wadewitz, The Nature of Borders; Carlson, ed., A Stó:lō Coast Salish Historical Atlas; Cummings, The River That Made Seattle; Wagner, Once and Future River; Thrush, “City of the Changers”; and Williams, Homewaters.

12I am using the word as it appears in Puget Sound Geography by T. T. Waterman. This version was edited and revised by Vi Hilbert, Jay Miller, and Zalmai Zahir and republished in 2001 by Lushootseed Press. The name refers to a specific place called “the little place where one crosses over,” but became used over time as the name for Seattle as a whole. See Waterman, Puget Sound Geography, 44 and 62.

13Historian Thomas Cox examines the early formation of the Pacific Northwest lumber industry around Pacific markets. As he notes, “The cargo mills were often more affected by what transpired in the lands of the Pacific Basin than by what was taking place in other parts of the United States” (x). Cox, Mills and Markets.

14Chang, Pacific Connections, 12.

15As Karuka writes, “There is no ‘national’ U.S. political economy, only an imperial one, which continues to be maintained, not through the rule of law, contract or competition, but through the renewal of colonial occupation.” See Karuka, Empire’s Tracks, xii.

16Harmon, “Coast Salish History,” 30–49.

17Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 103.

18Few scholars of Pacific Northwest history have made the connection between Asian and Indigenous peoples in terms of the maritime environment of the Puget Sound. David Williams’s book Homewaters, for example, has an extended discussion of the mosquito fleet, a group of vessels that offered transportation to the early Puget Sound settler communities. What he doesn’t mention, though, is that the Chinese provided most of the labor aboard these early steamships, including the mosquito fleet. An exception to this is Lissa Wadewitz’s crucial work on fishing in the Salish Sea. See Wadewitz, The Nature of Borders, 122–143; and Williams, Homewaters, 75–87.

19The connections between western imperialism, capitalist expansion, and Asian migration are well covered in the scholarship. See Cheng and Bonacich, Labor Immigration under Capitalism, esp. 211–338; Okihiro, Margins and Mainstreams, 3–30; Choy, Empire of Care, esp. 1–16; Jung, Coolies and Cane; and Chang, Pacific Connections.

20Asians were not immigrants, but rather labor migrants who arrived to the United States to fill a specific economic role. Their exclusion and racialization as unassimilable aliens served to validate white settler claims to Indigenous lands and resources, while also maintaining a critical source of low-wage, disposable labor. This racialized exclusion occurred in the arena of immigration restriction (prohibiting Asians from entering the country altogether once they ceased to be useful as a form of labor) as well as in local laws and policies preventing Asian laborers already in the United States from becoming settlers themselves. These included prohibitions on citizenship and property ownership, as well as segregation ordinances and slum clearance measures that sought to preclude the possibility of Asian residency and permanent settlement. See Lake and Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line, 1–48; Moreton-Robinson, The White Possessive, xi–31; and Day, Alien Capital.

21For a Los Angeles–based urban history that examines the hobo phenomenon and concerns around transiency specifically with white men, see Hernandez, “Hobos in Heaven: Race, Incarceration, and the Rise of Los Angeles, 1880– 1910,” 410–47.

22Shah, Stranger Intimacy; and Boag, Same-Sex Affairs.

23I use the term “south end” or “southern district” to describe the area south of Yesler Way, which never had a stable name or identity during this period. Though certain neighborhoods within the district had their own unique characteristics (Japantown/Nihonmachi, Skid Road, Pioneer Square), they were all formed through the same processes of exclusion and marginalization. Today, these neighborhoods are treated almost as separate worlds in terms of their histories. This book acknowledges the unique historical character of these various districts while also highlighting the fluidity of this world, whose residents shared more commonalities and histories of exclusion than currently addressed in the scholarship or public memory.

24See Rothstein, The Color of Law; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 190–218; Woods, “The Federal Home Loan Bank Board,” 1036–59; and Winling and Michney, “The Roots of Redlining,” 42–69. For digital projects featuring maps and analysis, see Nelson et al., “Mapping Inequality”; and Seattle Civil Rights & Labor History Project, “Segregated Seattle.”

25“Ordinances of the Town of Seattle,” Seattle Weekly Gazette, March 4, 1865. This will be discussed in more detail in chapter 1. The removal ordinance officially expelled all Indigenous people from the town of Seattle, except for the purposes of labor. It remained officially on the books for four years. The Washington Territorial Legislature dissolved the city government in 1867, then approved its reincorporation two years later, at which time town leaders did not reinstate the removal ordinance. Still, the law had formalized existing sentiments about the Duwamish and influenced the opinions of city leaders about the Duwamish people’s presence and future within Seattle—conditions that did not go away when the law ceased to exist.

26This will be discussed in more detail in chapter 1. See Office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the Year 1865, 70.

27Lake and Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line, 1–48; and Atkinson, The Burden of White Supremacy, 19–48.

28Stanger-Ross, “Municipal Colonialism in Vancouver,” 541–80; Edmonds, Urbanizing Frontiers, 113–83; and Mawani, “‘The Iniquitous Practice of Women,’” 43–68.

29Mawani, Colonial Proximities, 37.

30Lee, Claiming the Oriental Gateway; and Fujita-Rony, American Workers, Colonial Power.

31Taylor, The Forging of a Black Community.

32See also Thrush, Native Seattle; and Dubrow, Sento at Sixth and Main.

33Taylor, The Forging of a Black Community, 159–89. This phenomenon occurred in cities along the Pacific coast, which all saw a massive influx of Black workers during World War II.

34Shah, Stranger Intimacy, 6–9. Marissa Fuentes has also compellingly discussed the issue of archival silence and the erasure of enslaved Black women. See Fuentes, Dispossessed Lives, esp. 1–20.

35Though not a work of history, I’m building here on Don Mitchell’s study on migratory laborers and their circulation outside of the state, which he calls “subversive mobility.” See Mitchell, The Lie of the Land, 58–82.

36Shah, Stranger Intimacy.

37For more on the built environment as an archive, see Hayden, The Power of Place.

38For a history of the SRO hotel and urban social life, see Groth, Living Downtown. For a Seattle-specific history of SRO hotels, see Wong, Building Tradition.

39See, for example, “Gambling Dens Fitted Up Says Mayor of City,” Seattle Daily Times, March 31, 1920; and “Weird Forts South of King Street Intrigue the Mayor,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, March 31, 1920.

40Hayner, “Hotel Life and Personality,” 785.

2. URBAN ROOTS OF PUGET SOUND AGRICULTURE

1Harrington and Stevenson, eds., Islands in the Salish Sea, 9.

2Miller, Lushootseed Culture, 15.

3Wa Chong to Captain Renton, November 22, 1878, box 38, folder 52, Port Blakely Mill Company Records.

4Morse, The Nature of Gold, 166–90. The National Park Service operates a national historic site in Seattle dedicated to the role of the gold rush in the city’s history. The park website’s opening text states, “Seattle flourished during and after the Klondike gold rush. Merchants supplied people from around the world passing through this port city on their way to a remarkable adventure in Alaska.” “Klondike Gold Rush—Seattle Unit,” National Park Service, accessed November 7, 2021, https://www.nps.gov/klse/index.htm.

5Historian Beth Lew-Williams shows that in Tacoma, for example, the Chinese community was not as segregated as it was in Seattle, with the Chinese more spread out across the waterfront area. Lew-Williams, The Chinese Must Go, 99.

6Some scholars have studied the high participation of Indigenous workers in the hops industry, exploring their complex motivations for pursuing this work. The most notable study, Paige Raibmon’s examination of hops as a tourist industry, offers the notion of the “authentic Indian” as a key logic that drove white tourist fascination with the hop fields. She explores how Indigenous hop pickers negotiated their role within an economy that revolved around their commodification. Others have examined the ways that hop picking allowed Indigenous workers to maintain cultural practices by giving them social gathering spaces outside of the highly controlled environment of the reservations. Much less attention has been paid to the participation of Chinese laborers in the hops industry. Occasionally Chinese hop pickers appear as a small footnote or marginal passage in larger studies on anti-Chinese violence, but no standalone books or articles have been published on the topic. A handful of studies have looked at Chinese and Indigenous labor through a comparative or relational lens, though the books that explore these topics tend to focus on fishing and the canneries. Virtually nothing exists on agriculture. See Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 74–115; Parham, “‘All Go to the Hop Fields,’” 317–48; and Wadewitz, The Nature of Borders, 89–121.

7Dover, Tulalip, From My Heart, 55.

8Dover, Tulalip, From My Heart, 14.

9Meeker, Pioneer Reminiscences, 60.

10Bagley, History of Seattle, 101.

11This testimony was taken from a petition filed by the Puget Sound tribes in the US Court of Claims for restitution of treaty violations. Though the petition was filed in 1926, the printed version did not appear until 1933. Duwamish Indians et al., Consolidated Petition No. F-275, 675.

12Duwamish Indians et al., Consolidated Petition No. F-275, 163.

13Meeker, Ox-Team Days, 155.

14Dover, Tulalip, From My Heart, 52.

15Meeker, Hop Culture, 8.

16James Hunter Shotwell, letter to Margharete Ross, September 23, 1891, box 1, folder 7, Margharete Ross Shotwell Papers, University of Washington Libraries, Special Collections Division.

17Burke, A History of the Port of Seattle, 8.

18Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor, 20.

19“Hop Pickers Wanted,” Daily Pacific Tribune, August 27, 1877.

20See Harmon, Indians in the Making, 72–102; and Asher, Beyond the Reservation.

21Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor, 89.

22Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor, 27–47.

23Muszynski, Cheap Wage Labour, 6.

24“Indians in Town,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 30, 1879.

25Bull, “Indian Hop Pickers,” 546.

26Bull, “Indian Hop Pickers,” 546.

27“Indians in Town.”

28Bull, “Indian Hop Pickers,” 546.

29“Local,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 30, 1882.

30Sanborn Fire Insurance Map from Seattle, King County, Washington, Sanborn Map Company, July 1884, Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps.

31Bull, “Indian Hop Pickers,” 546.

32“News Items,” Youth’s Companion, 110.

33Canada Department of Indian Affairs, Dominion of Canada, 80.

34“Puyallup Correspondence,” Tacoma Daily Ledger, September 6, 1883.

35The Puyallup River served as a major conduit into the valley. In 1883, a local observer counted “87 canoes containing Indians” that passed up the Puyallup River during hop season. Growers often did what they could to ensure the workers’ safe transit; according to a government engineer, local residents removed several blockages in the Puyallup River “to permit the passage of canoes.” See “Local News,” Tacoma Daily Ledger, September 2, 1883; and United States Army Corps of Engineers, Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers, vol. 3, 2419.

36Meeker, Hop Culture, 88–89; and Tomlan, Tinged with Gold, 120–40.

37Meeker, Hop Culture, 20.

38Meeker, Hop Culture, 20.

39“Puyallup Correspondence.”

401876 Seattle Business Directory, 88–90.

41Wong, Building Tradition, 32–35.

42Advertisement for Wa Chong Company, 1879, University of Washington Libraries, Special Collections.

43“The Difficulty at Squak,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 10, 1885. The article lists the contracting firm as “Quong Chong,” though I could find no further evidence of this company in city directories or census data. It’s possible the newspaper made an error and meant the Wa Chong Company, but the primary source may have been correct.

44“Hop Picking Items,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 12, 1879.

45“Hop Pickers Wanted,” Daily Pacific Tribune, August 27, 1877.

46“Hop Pickers Wanted.”

47“Puyallup Hop Growth,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 11, 1877.

48US Federal Census, Puyallup and Puyallup Valley, Pierce County, Washington Territory, 1870.

49US Federal Census, Puyallup, Pierce County, Washington Territory, 1880. The census lists fifty Chinese people living in Puyallup in 1880.

50“Puyallup Tribe: The Story of Our People,” Puyallup Tribe, accessed September 27, 2021, http://www.puyallup-tribe.com/ourtribe/.

51Reddick and Collins, “Medicine Creek to Fox Island,” 374–97.

52Tomlan, Tinged with Gold, 126; and Frank S. Bell, letter to family, September 23, 1899, Frank S. Bell Collection.

53Ezra Meeker, financial records, 1893, Ezra Meeker Manuscript Collection.

54“From Puyallup,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 17, 1877.

55Parham, “‘All Go to the Hop Fields,’” 181.

56Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 103–10.

57“From the Puyallup,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 20, 1877.

58Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 98–115.

59“From the Puyallup.”

60Bell, letter to family, September 23, 1899, box 1, folder 7, Frank S. Bell Collection.

61“Puyallup Correspondence,” Tacoma Daily Ledger, September 6, 1883.

62“From Puyallup”; and “From the Puyallup.”

63“Puyallup Correspondence.”

64Eells, Ten Years of Missionary Work, 73.

65Office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the Year 1865, 67.

66Child, “The Boarding School as Metaphor,” 37–57.

67Office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the Year 1867, 34.

68Letter from Charles H. Ayer, 1886, Charles H. Ayer Manuscript Collection.

69“A New Hop Country,” 384.

70E. Meeker & Co., “Prospectus of the Puyallup Hop Company,” May 21, 1891, box 17, folder 2B, Ezra Meeker Manuscript Collection.

71Meeker, The Busy Life, 227; and Tomlan, Tinged with Gold, 75.

72Meeker’s mansion still stands today and is preserved and maintained by the Ezra Meeker Historical Society. For more information, including photos, see http://www.meekermansion.org/ (accessed September 27, 2021).

73Meeker, Ox-Team Days, 156.

74Testifying in a hearing with the US Senate, Meeker stated: “The harvesting is the principal expense. That costs us about 8.5 cents a pound as against 12.5 in New York and 18 cents in England.” United States Senate, Relations with Canada, 395.

75Canada Department of Indian Affairs, Dominion of Canada, 82.

76“Hop Picking,” Tacoma Daily Ledger, September 2, 1884.

77“Hop Pickers,” Tacoma Daily Ledger, August 29, 1884.

78Armbruster, “Orphan Road,” 7–18; and Schwantes, Railroad Signatures, 35–122.

79E. Meeker & Co., hop contracts, 1888–1890, box 17, folder 7, Ezra Meeker Manuscript Collection.

80US Federal Census, Squak, King County, Washington Territory, 1880.

81“Hops in Washington Territory,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 1, 1880; and untitled article, Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 21, 1882.

82Receipt for hops merchandise, box 1, folder 43, George D. Hill Papers.

83Lew-Williams, The Chinese Must Go, 53–90. Lew-Williams reperiodizes the era of Chinese Exclusion, showing that federal Chinese immigration restriction was a more gradual process than scholars have recognized. She notes that the continued migration of Chinese people into the US after 1882 was a driving force behind the anti-Chinese movements in the Pacific Northwest.

84Squire, Report of the Governor (1886), 4.

85US Census Bureau, Washington Territory Population by Race, 1880, prepared by Social Explorer, accessed December 8, 2021, https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/Census1880/R12986404.

86“The Difficulty at Squak,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 10, 1885.

87“War of the Races,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 9, 1885.

88“War of the Races.”

89Chang, Pacific Connections, 17–53.

90“The Perry Bayne Trial: The Evidence for the Prosecution Still Being Heard,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, October 29, 1885.

91“Arrest of the Murderers,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 11, 1885.

92“The Squak Massacre,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 11, 1885.

93An Indian agent was a bureaucratic official appointed to act on behalf of the federal government in dealings with Indigenous people in a designated region. Indian agents fell under the jurisdiction of the secretary of the interior and produced yearly reports on the status of the Indigenous populations in their areas. Agents oversaw Indian affairs at the state or territorial level as well as on individual reservations; they involved themselves in local Indian life to varying degrees, with some asserting their power more than others. In Washington Territory, some missionaries also acted as Indian agents, such as Father Eugène Chirouse, a Catholic priest who worked on the Tulalip Reservation.

94George Tibbetts to George D. Hill, September 21, 1885, box 1, folder 43, George D. Hill Papers.

95“The Trial of Perry Bayne,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, October 28–November 2, 1885.

96Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy; and Jung, Coolies and Cane.

97“War of the Races.”

98“Trial of Perry Bayne,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, October 28, 1885.

99“Perry Bayne Trial,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, October 29, 1885.

100“Trial of Perry Bayne.”

101“Hop Picking Items.”

102Squire, Report of the Governor (1884), 9.

103Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 123–28.

104Genetin-Pilawa, Crooked Paths to Allotment, 112–33.

105For a more detailed discussion of the anti-Chinese violence that swept the western states, including Washington, during the 1880s, see Lew-Williams, The Chinese Must Go, 91–168.

106Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor, 47.

107“Puyallup: News from the Valley Where the Hop Vine Twineth,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, August 30, 1888.

108“Hop Pickers Wanted,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 5, 1888.

109“Work for All: In the Hop Fields of White River,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 6, 1888.

110Semple, Report of the Governor, 50.

111US Census Bureau, Washington Territory Population by Sex, 1880, prepared by Social Explorer, accessed December 8, 2021, https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/Census1880/R12986430; and US Census Bureau, Washington Territory Population by Sex, 1890, prepared by Social Explorer, accessed December 8, 2021, https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/Census1890/R12986432.

112Armitage, “Tied to Other Lives,” 17.

113“Report of John Lamb, Commissioner of Labor Statistics,” 1894 and 1895, Civil Service Commission Annual Reports, box 1, folder 1, Seattle Municipal Archives. In 1895, for example, 2,100 white women were placed into homes as “general housework girls” and 1,599 were sent to the hop fields.

114Semple, Report of the Governor, 51.

115Letters submitted by Pierce County residents and hop growers, as quoted in Semple, Report of the Governor, 52.

116Semple, Report of the Governor, 51.

117“Hop Pickers Wanted,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 5, 1888.

118See “Puyallup,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, August 30, 1888; and “Work for All,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 6, 1888.

119James Hunter Shotwell, letter to Margharete Ross, September 9, 1891, box 1, folder 7, Margharete Ross Shotwell Papers.

120“Puyallup Items,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, October 13, 1880.

121“Puyallup Pickings,” Tacoma Daily Ledger, September 2, 1885.

122Frank Bell, letter to family, August 12, 1899, Frank Bell Collection.

123Semple, Report of the Governor, 51.

124This is an example of what scholar Juliana Hu Pegues calls “space-time colonialism,” a foundational logic of settler colonialism that rendered Asians as out of place and Indigenous peoples as out of time. She connects the spatial with the temporal in her discussion of Asian and Indigenous entanglements and encounters in Alaska. Hu Pegues, Space-Time Colonialism.

125Meeker, The Busy Life, 227.

126Ezra Meeker, “E. Meeker & Co.’s Monthly Hop Circular,” November 1892, Ezra Meeker Manuscript Collection.

127Meeker, The Busy Life, 228.

128Meeker, The Busy Life, 228.

129Newbill, “Farmers and Wobblies,” 80–87; and Jones, “The Hops Capital of the World.”

130Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 1–14.

131Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 116–34.

132So far I have only been able to locate two photographs of Chinese hop pickers in Washington, contrasted with the hundreds of photographs taken of Indigenous pickers.

133Thrush, “City of the Changers,” 89–117.

134“Indians Burned Out: Exodus of Red Men from West Seattle,” Seattle Daily Times, March 7, 1893.

CONCLUSION

1“Open for All?”

2Levy, “Seattle Median Home Price Hits Record $820k.”

3“University Village through the Years,” Seattle P-I, January 5, 2011; Rebecca Nelson, “Old University Village Appreciation Post,” Ravenna Blog, January 5, 2011, http://www.ravennablog.com/old-university-village-appreciation-post/.

4Waterman, “The Geographical Names,” 188; and Waterman, Puget Sound Geography, 76.

5Coll Thrush, “City of the Changers,” 89–117.

6“Garbage Dump Closure Asked,” Seattle Daily Times, December 19, 1940.According to the article, residents in the surrounding areas filed a petition with the city to close the dump, describing it as “injurious to homes and families . . . because of smoke, dust, vile and noxious odors” and stating that it “attracts rats, vermin, flies, and seagulls.”

7At the time, marshland was not considered desirable or lucrative from a real estate perspective, which helps to explain why this particular site was available to Japanese farmers. See Chrzastowski, Historical Changes to Lake Washington, 7.

8Three Japanese American families occupied this land. Beginning in the mid- 1920s, the Yoshinaka and Tamura families leased the land at 4657 and 4663 Union Bay Place. In the early 1930s, the Yoshinakas moved out (presumably back to Japan, as they are not listed in any US records after 1930) and the Tanagi family moved in to 4657 Union Bay Place, taking over the lease for a vegetable farm and house. For more information, see US Federal Census, District 22, Seattle, King County, Washington State, 1930; US Federal Census, District 13–14, Seattle, King County, Washington State, 1940; Kumasaka, The Green Lake Japanese American Community; and the Tanagi Collection, Densho Digital Repository, accessed November 29, 2021, https://ddr.densho.org/ddr-densho-136/.

9Advertisement, Seattle Daily Times, April 15, 1943, 34; advertisement, Seattle Daily Times, April 16, 1943, 36; and advertisement, Seattle Daily Times, April 18, 1943, 38. The owners of the property took out a series of classified ads selling the farm equipment and materials.

10“3 Years of Intensive Work in New Store,” Seattle P-I, August 30, 1956, A3; “Big Ceremony Opens Rhodes ‘U-Village,’” Seattle P-I, August 31, 1956, 6.

11For more on Black migration to the West Coast during and after World War II, see Trotter, Workers on Arrival; Sides, L.A. City Limits; and Himes, If He Hollers Let Him Go.